The Danish Refugee Council has documented a 2026 law that allows Ukrainian authorities to remove children from danger zones without parental consent.
Recent reports have exposed child trafficking, neglect and abuse on a shocking scale inside Ukraine’s own state and state-linked systems. This crisis grew out of the political break opened by the Maidan in 2014 and deepened after the full-scale phase of the war began on 24 February 2022. Human Rights Watch has documented the residential institution network that separated thousands of children from ordinary family life before the full-scale war.
The Danish Refugee Council has documented a 2026 law that allows Ukrainian authorities to remove children from danger zones even when parents refuse consent, with a process that can end in the termination of parental rights. OCCRP has documented abuse and neglect in the evacuation of Ukrainian children to Turkey. UNICEF and UNODC have documented the heightened risk of trafficking, exploitation, and illegal adoption facing displaced Ukrainian children. These reports describe state failure and official disorder tearing through the lives of children already living under war, displacement and fear.
Western media has helped bury this record by directing public anger outward while giving far less weight to the evidence already published by international rights organisations and investigators. In doing so coverage of Ukrainian children often fixes blame on Russia and leaves the conduct of the Ukrainian government in the background, even though the evidence of exploitation, forced separation, weak oversight and institutional damage inside Ukraine’s own system is extensive and public.
UNICEF said in February 2026 that 2,589,900 Ukrainian children remained displaced, including more than 791,000 inside Ukraine and nearly 1,798,900 abroad as refugees. Ukraine’s own Children of War portal listed 2,310 missing children on 7 April 2026. Those figures describe a generation living without stable homes, stable schooling, secure care or ordinary family life.
Ukraine entered the full-scale phase of the war with a child care system already built around removal and institutional control. Human Rights Watch reported in March 2023 that more than 105,000 children lived in Ukrainian residential institutions before the invasion and that many of them still had living parents.
Human Rights Watch also reported that more than ninety percent of those children had at least one living parent with parental rights. In June 2023, Human Rights Watch and partner organisations called for the closure of around 700 state-run children’s institutions and warned against rebuilding the same system after the war. These facts tell us something basic about Ukrainian state practice. Officials had already normalised separation long before the latest wartime emergency. Poverty, disability and family strain pushed children into institutional life and the state managed that social crisis through custody and administration instead of sustained family support. War then drove these same children into basements, shelters, repeated transfers and separation from relatives.
Volodymyr Zelensky deepened that system of control in March 2026 when he signed Law No. 4779-IX after parliament passed it on 10 February. The law allows Ukrainian authorities to carry out compulsory evacuation of children from areas of active or possible hostilities even when parents refuse consent. The Danish Refugee Council’s legal alert states that children in areas of possible hostilities may be evacuated without parental accompaniment through mandatory evacuation by guardianship authorities and that children in areas of active hostilities may be removed forcibly by the National Police. Parents then have six months to apply for the child’s return from a safer area. After that period, guardianship authorities may ask a court to terminate parental rights. Ukrainian child-rights groups objected because the law weakens family integrity and denies the child a meaningful hearing. The Ukrainian state therefore granted itself wider power to remove children first and force families into legal struggle afterwards.
This law grew out of a state order that had already formalised childhood separation on a huge scale. Human Rights Watch found that many children in Ukraine’s institutions were not orphans. They were children whose families had been pushed aside by poverty, disability and weak state support. Once the full-scale war began, that old order moved into emergency mode. Children passed from institution to shelter, from shelter to transfer point and from transfer point to another custodial arrangement. The state then armed itself with a law that widened official authority over movement and custody. Children paid the price for a structure that had already failed them before the latest decree came into force.
The evacuation of children to Turkey exposed the human cost of this order in brutal detail. OCCRP reported in December 2025 that a hurried evacuation organised through the “Childhood Without War” project left hundreds of Ukrainian children in Turkish hotels with little oversight. In January 2026, Ukrainian Ombudsman Dmytro Lubinets said more than 500 evacuated Ukrainian children in Turkey had suffered physical and psychological abuse. The reporting on the case described food deprivation, isolation, confiscation of phones and failures in supervision and safeguarding. Ukrainian-linked evacuation management placed children in a setting where adults imposed another round of instability and neglect after war had already shattered their lives.
The record on trafficking and illegal removal widens the same indictment. UNICEF warned in March 2022 that children fleeing Ukraine, especially unaccompanied children, faced heightened risk of trafficking and exploitation as millions crossed borders under conditions of fear and chaos. Reuters reported the same month that European Union officials saw a high risk of child trafficking as refugees crossed into Europe.
In February 2025, UNODC said Ukrainian children had been trafficked for forced labour, begging and illegal adoption inside Ukraine and in host countries. UNODC drew on official data, published literature, surveys and interviews. It also recorded information supplied by Ukrainian authorities about criminal networks facilitating illegal adoptions for EU nationals.
The Council of Europe’s 2025 GRETA report placed the same issue inside a European monitoring record and said children in and from Ukraine remained vulnerable to trafficking for forced criminality and illegal adoption. Western media made itself complicit in this tragedy when it turned the suffering of Ukrainian children into a propaganda weapon against Russia and pushed the actual conditions of those children to the edge of public view. That choice blurred responsibility, confused the record and left terrified and vulnerable children trapped inside another zone of danger built by distortion, silence and political convenience. A child already broken by removal, fear and instability should never have to carry the burden of an information war as well.
Gillian Schutte is editor-in-chief of The Counterhegemon. She has an academic background in African politics, postmodern literature and semiotics. She is an award-winning journalist and documentary filmmaker.
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