Trump’s retooling of his campaign on Thursday, including rehiring his 2016 campaign manager Corey Lewandowski, prompted Fuentes to declare a “first victory” of his campaign, despite Trump’s public praise for LaCivita and Wiles. Online, Loomer mocked Fuentes as having “nothing to do” with the return of Lewandowski – co-author of the book Let Trump Be Trump – and said he should “stop pretending like he is calling the shots”.
‘Noisy’ and counterproductive
Some campaign officials previously argued that far-right influencers offer value by amplifying political messages to their audiences. But the more overt recent attacks of Fuentes and his followers, who call themselves “groypers”, have become a “noisy” and counterproductive distraction to the campaign, says a person familiar with its operations who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss private conversations.
“If anything, [Fuentes] is hurting the idea of getting fresh blood into the campaign because it makes it far more difficult for Trump if it looks like he’s responding to the groypers,” the person said.
Asked for comment, Trump’s campaign referred to a Truth Social post on August 11 in which Trump said he was “leading in almost all of the REAL polls” and that his team was “doing a great job”.
In an appearance that day on CBS, Trump’s running mate, J.D. Vance, called Fuentes a “total loser” and said the proper response was to “ignore” trolls like him until they “go away”.
But the far-right criticism has proved agitating for some of Trump’s most devoted online cheerleaders. Brenden Dilley, a pro-Trump podcaster in Georgia, on Monday asked whether Fuentes and others who had attacked Trump were all part of a secret psychological operation, or “psy-op”, designed to “reinforce the Kamala Harris surge narrative”.
“I’ve got a job to do, and these people are a problem,” Dilley said. “Are they being compensated? Are they being deployed as a collective? I do not know.” (Fuentes said he was not paid and took action only to further his views, which he defined as “far-right reactionary”.)
Colin Henry, a researcher at George Washington University who has studied political extremism online, said far-right influencers had grown visibly frustrated in recent weeks by Trump’s fading poll performance and the campaign’s disavowal of hard-line policy proposals, such as Project 2025.
“They saw that as a shot across the bow from the mainstream folks, who wanted to do all this stuff with policy and institutions,” he said.
Donald Trump arrives to speak at a campaign rally at the Mohegan Sun Arena at Casey Plaza, Credit: AP
The anger of far-right influencers matters because they have proved adept at “punching above their weight” in conservative circles in a way that could bedevil Trump’s campaign, says Ben Lorber, a senior researcher at Political Research Associates, a Massachusetts think tank monitoring right-wing groups.
“This movement has the ability to move conservative discourse and to open up space far to the right of acceptable conservative opinion for people like Trump to move further rightward,” he said.
During Trump’s conversation with X’s billionaire owner Elon Musk, Fuentes directed his followers via live-stream to repeatedly post their views on X, where several of their demands for changes in the campaign sailed to the top of the platform’s trending topics.
His followers led a parallel effort on Trump’s social media platform, Truth Social, and messages such as #NoMoreImmigration still ranked among the top hashtags the morning after the interview. #FireLaCivita, with 20,000 recent posts, overshadowed even #Trump2024. Fuentes has also told his followers they should start collecting the phone numbers and email addresses of campaign officials to contact them en masse.
‘Escalate pressure’
In an interview, Fuentes said he intended to push his followers to adopt “guerrilla” tactics and “escalate pressure in the real world”, including through mass appearances at Trump rallies in battleground states such as Michigan until the campaign met their demands to stop “pandering to independents”.
He has urged followers to withhold their votes for Trump, saying it is the only way to awaken a campaign that has “no energy … [and] no enthusiasm”.
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“If they blame me for Trump losing, so be it,” he said. “He’ll have lost because he stopped talking to the MAGA base he had in 2016.” (Loomer and Owens did not respond to requests for comment.)
Jared Holt, a senior researcher at the Institute for Strategic Dialogue who studies hate and extremism online, said that Fuentes seemed to have lost some of the influence and cachet he had gained during Trump’s presidency but retained a “cult following” among young conservatives who could indirectly influence the campaign “to adopt more extreme positions”.
Collaborators of Fuentes have worked for far-right members of Congress, including Republicans Marjorie Taylor Greene and Paul A. Gosar. And at times, messages from Fuentes – who calls for a white ethno-state in the United States in which even legal immigration is banned – and more established pro-Trump accounts have closely aligned.
A tweet by the campaign account @TrumpWarRoom labelled a photo of black men “Your Neighbourhood Under Kamala” and warned: “Import the Third World. Become the Third World.”
Vance has been asked about Trump’s dinner with Fuentes several times in TV interviews, telling ABC on August 11 that “just because you talk to somebody doesn’t mean you endorse their views”.
On live-streams and social media, Fuentes has marshalled his followers to launch what he is calling “Groyper War 2” – a sequel to a series of chaotic spectacles in 2019 during which they appeared en masse at speaking events of people they deemed “fake conservatives” to heckle and pepper them with provocative questions over issues such as race and LGBTQ+ rights.
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Amanda Moore, a left-wing activist and researcher who has followed Fuentes’s group, said that effort had been “extremely successful” in helping far-right influencers publicise their ideology.
“Their objective is to push the party to the right. And they got exactly what they wanted,” Moore said, adding that the group’s success has proved costly for Trump by making his base more volatile.
“This is what happens when you’re walking the line for years. This is where it’s going to get you.”
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